Tax report reveals Ayuso's partner billed Quirón 4.4 million euros after their relationship began

New reports fuel the controversy

A fresh report from the Spanish tax agency (AEAT), sent to the Madrid court investigating González Amador, and a parallel analysis by the Guardia Civil's Central Operative Unit (UCO) have placed the businessman's ties to Quirón Prevención under renewed scrutiny. The tax agency's document quantifies precisely what his two companies invoiced to the private healthcare group between 2021 and 2023, a period that coincides with the start of his relationship with Ayuso. At the same time, the UCO's provisional findings indicate that one of González Amador's firms lacked the means or staff to deliver the consulting services for which Quirón paid it millions.

“Ayuso's boyfriend invoices 4.4 million to Quirón. Quirón invoices 5.6 billion from Ayuso. Ayuso lives in a luxury penthouse that we don't know who paid for.”

The billing numbers

According to the AEAT filing, obtained by several Spanish newspapers, González Amador's companies Maxwell Cremona and Masterman & Whitaker Medical Supplies charged Quirón Prevención 1,078,412 euros in 2021, 1,956,449 euros in 2022 and 1,401,634 euros in 2023, for a three-year total of 4,436,495 euros. Those sums dwarf his earlier earnings. In 2020, before the relationship began, one of his firms had invoiced Quirón around 60,000 euros; by 2021 that figure jumped to over 300,000, then to 700,000 in 2022, staying near half a million the following year.

20211.08

20221.96

20231.4

2021

1.08 €M

2022

1.96 €M

2023

1.4 €M

Data from the article text

Before the pandemic, González Amador had already made a 2 million euro commission brokering mask deals between a Galician supplier and a Catalan distributor, described as the biggest business success of his life and more than double his total income over the previous five years.

The shell company and the corruption probe

The businessman is under criminal investigation for alleged business corruption and disloyal administration. Prosecutors suspect that in 2021 he purchased a near-dormant company, Círculo de Belleza, from the wife of Quirón Prevención executive Fernando Camino for 499,836 euros. That firm was then renamed Masterman & Whitaker Medical Supplies and, according to the tax agency, was later used as a "shell" to channel part of the Quirón payments and dodge taxes. The AEAT asked the judge to suspend its own tax inspection pending the outcome of the criminal case.

Political backlash and calls to resign

Following the publication of the reports, both the PSOE and Más Madrid demanded Ayuso's immediate resignation or, at a minimum, a special plenary session of the Madrid Assembly to debate the revelations. The health minister and Más Madrid leader, Mónica García, directly linked the billing to public healthcare contracts, while PSOE-M leader and digital transformation minister Óscar López argued that public money flows from Madrid's budget to Quirón and then back to Ayuso through her partner.

“Ayuso takes the money from all Madrilenians. She gives it to a private company, Quirón, that then returns it to Mrs Ayuso through her boyfriend.”

López also stated that "everything begins and ends in her penthouse," referring to the luxury apartment whose financing remains unexplained.

Government denials and adviser's attacks

The Community of Madrid rejected the accusations, insisting that no new contract with Quirón had been signed since Ayuso became president and that the existing concessions date back to 2006-2013. However, EL PAÍS pointed out that in April of this year the regional health department formalised a new 120 million euro, five-year contract with the same group for a clinical laboratory.

Ayuso's chief of staff, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, responded with a series of messages that several media outlets labelled as false. He claimed the last Quirón contract was from 2010 and directed his anger at the tax agency.

“The Tax Agency, which should be blown up.”

The court investigation continues, with the latest reports deepening the questions over how the president's partner came to multiply his income from the region's largest private health contractor.